Đorđević, former Assistant Minister of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs (MUP) and Chief of its Public Security Department (RJB), was found guilty of participating in a joint criminal enterprise in 1999, whose aim was to change the ethnic balance of Kosovo to ensure Serbian dominance in the territory.

This objective was pursued through a widespread campaign of terror and violence against ethnic Albanians, which included deportations, murders, forcible transfers and persecutions. The common plan of the Joint Criminal Enterprise had the agreement and participation of political leaders of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) and Serbia, the leadership of the Yugoslav Army (VJ), including the relevant Corps in Kosovo, and the leadership of the MUP including its Staff in Kosovo.

The Chamber found that some of the core members of the Joint Criminal Enterprise included Slobodan Milošević, President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Nikola Šainović, Deputy Prime Minister of the FRY and responsible for Kosovo. The MUP membership of the Joint Criminal Enterprise included Vlajko Stojiljković, Minister of the Interior, the Accused Vlastimir Đorđević, Chief of the RJB, Radomir Marković, Chief of the State Security Department, and Sreten Lukić, head of the MUP Staff for Kosovo.

The Judges dismissed Đorđević’s claim that he did not have effective control over the use of MUP forces in Kosovo because Minister Stojiljković had excluded him. To the contrary, the Chamber found that “the Accused’s participation in the joint criminal enterprise was crucial to its success”. He had lawful powers and exercised effective control over the police in Kosovo including regular and reserve police.

Đorđević was found responsible for the crimes of deportations, murders, forcible transfers and persecutions committed in the 13 municipalities listed in the indictment. These municipalities were: Orahovac/Rahovec, Prizren, Srbica/Skenderaj, Suva Reka/Suharekë, Peć/Pejë, Kosovska Mitrovica/Mitrovicë, Priština/Prishtinë, Đakovica/Gjakovë, Gnjilane/Gjilan, Uroševac/Ferizaj, Kačanik/Kaçanik, Dečani/Deçan and Vučitrn/Vushtrri.

Đorđević was found to be responsible for the murder of “not less than 724 Kosovo Albanians” who were murdered by Serbian forces, in most cases police, in many of the municipalities listed.

“In the large majority of cases the victims, including many women and children, were civilians, who were unarmed and not in any way participating in any form of armed conflict,” the Chamber found. It added that the murder offences charged were merely examples and “by no means exhaustive, of the crimes committed by Serbian forces, especially police, against the Kosovo Albanian population in the course of the widespread and systematic attack referred to”.

Among the incidents of murder for which Đorđević bears responsibility was the shooting and subsequent torching of 114 men and boys from a village near Orahovac/Rahovec who were killed by the police on 26 March 1999. On that same day in Suva Reka/Suharekë the police killed about 45 members of one family. In Podujevo, Serbian forces lined up and shot 19 women and children of whom 14 were killed. The five children who survived sustained severe and permanent injuries.

Đorđević was also found guilty of deportation and forcible transfer. While over 800,000 Kosovo Albanians left Kosovo between 24 March 1999 and 20 June 1999 this Trial Chamber concerned itself with the events that took place in the 13 municipalities listed. It found that Đorđević was responsible for the deportation of at least 200,000 Kosovo Albanians from the area in the three months adding that “the estimate is incomplete and very conservative and the true figure is likely to be very much higher”.

“Kosovo Albanians left Kosovo because they were specifically ordered to do so by Serbian forces, or because the conduct of Serbian forces caused them to leave, in particular by shelling, shooting, killing and by burning houses and other buildings in their villages, towns and cities,” Judge Kevin Parker, Presiding, said.

The Chamber dismissed Defence allegations that Kosovo Albanians were fleeing the NATO bombing of FRY which commenced on 24 March 1999 and the fighting between the Serbian forces and the Kosovo Liberation Army. While these factors “may have caused some concern in the minds of some Kosovo Albanians, the factor which was dominant and compelling in causing Kosovo Albanians to leave their homes, and in many cases in causing them to leave Kosovo, was the deliberate campaign of violence and terror conducted against Kosovo Albanian civilians by Serbian forces”, the Chamber found.

Đorđević was also found to have played a leading role in the MUP efforts to conceal the murders of Kosovo Albanians. “The evidence confirms that from the second week of April 1999, on at least six occasions over a period of several weeks, trucks containing bodies of Kosovo Albanians killed by Serbian forces in Kosovo arrived at the 13 Maj SAJ Centre in Batajnica near Belgrade,” the judgement reads. Two further deliveries were made to the Petrovo Selo PJP Centre. Bodies were also recovered from Lake Perućac in Serbia and buried in a mass grave site nearby. In 2001 the remains of 744 individuals were exhumed from the SAJ Centre in Batajnica, 61 from Petrovo Selo and 84 from Lake Perućac.

The Chamber has found that the transportation of bodies from Kosovo for clandestine burial in mass graves on MUP grounds was undertaken as part of a coordinated operation to remove evidence of crimes committed by Serbian forces against Kosovo Albanians in Kosovo during the Indictment period. This operation was conducted under the direction of the Accused, in consultation with Minister Stojiljković, pursuant to an order of the President of the FRY, Slobodan Milošević.

Vlastimir Đorđević is the eighth former senior Serbian official to be tried for the crimes committed in Kosovo and the sixth to be convicted. He was indicted in 2003 but remained on the run until his arrest on 17 June 2007 in Montenegro. His trial began on 27 January 2009 and concluded with closing arguments on 13 and 14 July 2010. The Chamber has heard over 140 witnesses and has admitted in evidence over 2,500 exhibits, including many orders and reports of the MUP and the VJ, and records of meetings of the Serbian political, police and military leaderships.

Since its establishment, the Tribunal has indicted 161 persons for serious violations of humanitarian law committed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia between 1991 and 2001. Proceedings against 125 have been concluded. Proceedings are currently ongoing for 34 Accused.

Charges
Mirsad Repak stands charged with crimes against humanity, war crimes, torture and rape. According to the prosecution most of the crimes were committed in the Dretelj detention camp in Southern Bosnia, which was known for the brutality of its guards. Repak pleaded not guilty to the most serious charges. He insisted that he was only following orders. Repak could face up to 21 years in prison. The trial is expected to last eight weeks.

Mirsad Repak (42), a former member of a Croatian paramilitary organization, came to Norway in 1993 as an asylum seeker and obtained Norwegian citizenship in 2001. The court will have to decide whether the Norwegian judicial system has the right to try a person who did not hold Norwegian citizenship at the time the alleged crimes were committed.

New laws

Norway introduced new war crimes legislation in March this year, enabling war crimes trials to be held in Norwegian courts even if the case concerned took place outside the Norwegian borders. The new laws cover crimes against humanity, genocide and terrorism. This is the first war crimes case to be heard in Norway since the Nazi tribunals held after the end of World War II.

Unfair

Repak’s lawyer, Heidi Bache-Wiig, said before entering the courtroom that her client “suffered after what he had to do and what he was ordered to do, and it has haunted him ever since.” “In big conflicts like this one, we should content ourselves with apprehending the decision makers and most senior officials. We never manage to catch them all and it’s perhaps unfair to just go after the little soldiers.”
She called for the case to be thrown out, arguing that the Norwegian constitution prohibits a new law from being applied prior to its enactment.
The prosecutor, on the other hand, argued that the Norwegian parliament had taken that factor into account by adopting the law with a clause stipulating that it could be applied retroactively.

Norwegian media have reported that around 100 war crimes suspects are believed to be residing in Norway. Most are either fugitives from the wars that split up Yugoslavia in the 1990s or from the Rwandan genocide in 1994. With this trial, the Norwegian government aims to demonstrate that Norway is no haven for war criminals.

International Crimes Law in the Netherlands

Crimes against humanity, war crimes, genocide and torture are punishable in the Netherlands since 1 October 2003. The Law International Crimes follows from the Statute of Rome and the International Criminal Court (ICC). Although not stipulated in the Statute, a large number of ICC members have over the last years penalized crimes that fall under the authority of the ICC in their own national legislation and apply the new laws to crimes committed outside the national borders.
The Dutch justice system is authorized to prosecute crimes such as deportation, torture, disappearance, persecution, extermination and slavery, even if they have taken place outside the Netherlands by persons with a non-Dutch nationality. The only requisite is that the suspect is in the Netherlands. The law cannot be applied retroactively. Heads of state and diplomats cannot be prosecuted under this law.

The five generals and five colonels served in Operation Turquoise, a French military mission to Rwanda in 1994 that has been marred by controversy over allegations that it helped Hutu genocide perpetrators.

The 10 including General Jean-Claude Lafourcade who commanded Operation Turquoise were named in a report released in August by Justice Minister Tharcisse Karugarama on France’s alleged role in the genocide.

“These serious and unfounded accusations could not be left without a response,” said Lafourcade in a statement.

“This is why 10 officers whose honour has been tarnished have decided to launch legal proceedings to counter these accusations in the courts of our country,” he said.

The officers have filed suit for slander in a Paris court, saying the report accused them of “having fully taken charge of the genocidal campaign” through Operation Turquoise, according to Lafourcade.

The report alleges that France was aware of preparations for the genocide, contributed to planning the massacres and actively took part in the killing.

It names 13 senior politicians and 20 military officials as responsible and raises the prospect of Rwandan legal action against them.

Following its release on August 5, France rejected the allegations as “unacceptable”.

Defense Minister Herve Morin said French soldiers had nothing to be ashamed of from their service in Rwanda.

At least 800,000 people died, mainly minority Tutsis and moderate Hutus, during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, according to the United Nations.

france24.com/en/20081105-french-officers-genocide-report-rwanda-france

By Auslan Cramb, Scottish Correspondent

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2511536/Police-chief-calls-for-universal-DNA-database.html

Stephen House, Chief Constable of Strathclyde, said that storing the genetic profiles of every man, woman and child would help catch more criminals.

He also called for Scotland to adopt the English DNA system that allows the profiles of suspects to be kept even if they are not charged with any wrongdoing.

Police in Scotland have to destroy the DNA records of innocent people but can keep samples of those accused of sexual or violent crimes for three years.

There are around 4.2 million DNA profiles stored in England, which has the biggest genetic database in the world.

However, a government inquiry recommended last week that one million of these should be destroyed because they came from people who had never been convicted.

Increasing DNA databases north or south of the border would also be strongly opposed by human rights groups and by many politicians. In Scotland, the database currently holds the genetic profiles of around 200,000 Scots.

Mr House said he was pressing minister adopt the English system, and used the case of the murdered teenager Sally Anne Bowman to support his case.

Her killer was caught by the Metropolitan Police largely through a DNA sample collected after an unrelated incident that was already in the system.

He added: “In Scotland the chances are that the DNA would be destroyed but in England it wasn’t, it was put on the database and matched. There are numerous examples of where that has happened.

“An even more complete system is to say we will go the whole hog. Forget criminality, we’ll take DNA from everyone in the country.

“If the public and the government decide they want to do it, you would do it gradually.

“One of the ways to do it is that you would say all newborn children would have DNA recorded and when you apply for a driver’s license your DNA would be taken and gradually over the years would start to develop a 100 per cent database. Would it deter people? That’s less certain, but we would detect more crime.”

Last year, a senior judge called for the entire UK population, and every visitor to Britain to be put on the DNA database.

Lord Justice Sedley, one of England’s most experienced appeal court judges, described the country’s current system as “indefensible”.

However, any move towards a national database would meet with fierce opposition. Nick Clegg, leader of the Lib Dems, has described the British public as the most “spied upon on the planet”.

The organization Liberty said a database of every man, woman and child in the country was a “chilling proposal, ripe for indignity, error and abuse”.

And the human rights lawyer John Scott said yesterday that the plan would “disturb the balance between the state and the individual”.

He added: “At a time when people are calling for the English system to be closer to our own, we shouldn’t be going in the opposite direction.

“We could get a situation where outside bodies like insurance firms manage to get hold of DNA from innocent people and use it for their own purposes.”

The issue is being reviewed for the Scottish Executive by Prof James Fraser of Strathclyde University’s center for forensic science.

Simon Davies, of the human rights watchdog organization Privacy International, said the Strathclyde force had a history of “obsession with DNA collection” and it was time it was “reined in”.

He added: “It was Strathclyde that proposed many years ago mandatory DNA collection for even minor offences. What it is proposing is a step too far.”

The unnamed 15-year-old was served the summons by City of London police when he took part in a peaceful demonstration opposite the London headquarters of the controversial religion.

Officers confiscated a placard with the word “cult” on it from the youth, who is under 18, and a case file has been sent to the Crown Prosecution Service.

A date has not yet been set for him to appear in court.

The decision to issue the summons has angered human rights activists and support groups for the victims of cults.

The incident happened during a protest against the Church of Scientology on May 10. Demonstrators from the anti-Scientology group, Anonymous, who were outside the church’s £23m headquarters near St Paul’s cathedral, were banned by police from describing Scientology as a cult by police because it was “abusive and insulting”.

Writing on an anti-Scientology website, the teenager facing court said: “I brought a sign to the May 10th protest that said: ‘Scientology is not a religion, it is a dangerous cult.’

“‘Within five minutes of arriving I was told by a member of the police that I was not allowed to use that word, and that the final decision would be made by the inspector.”

A policewoman later read him section five of the Public Order Act and “strongly advised” him to remove the sign. The section prohibits signs which have representations or words which are threatening, abusive or insulting.

The teenager refused to back down, quoting a 1984 high court ruling from Mr Justice Latey, in which he described the Church of Scientology as a “cult” which was “corrupt, sinister and dangerous”.

After the exchange, a policewoman handed him a court summons and removed his sign.

On the website he asks for advice on how to fight the charge: “What’s the likelihood I’ll need a lawyer? If I do have to get one, it’ll have to come out of my pocket money.”

Writing on the same website, another anonymous demonstrator said: “We also protested outside another Scientology building in Tottenham Court Road which is policed by a separate force, the Metropolitan police, who have never tried to stop us using the word cult.

“We’re completely peaceful protesters expressing a perfectly valid opinion. This whole thing stinks.”

Liberty director, Shami Chakrabarti, said: “This barmy prosecution makes a mockery of Britain’s free speech traditions.

“After criminalising the use of the word ‘cult’, perhaps the next step is to ban the words ‘war’ and ‘tax’ from peaceful demonstrations?”

Ian Haworth, from the Cult Information Centre which provides advice for victims of cults and their families, said: “This is an extraordinary situation. If it wasn’t so serious it would be farcical. The police’s job is to protect and serve. Who is being served and who is being protected in this situation? I find it very worrying.

“Scientology is well known to my organisation, and has been of great concern to me for 22 years. I get many calls from families with loved ones involved and ex-members who are in need of one form of help.”

The City of London police came under fire two years ago when it emerged that more than 20 officers, ranging from constable to chief superintendent, had accepted gifts worth thousands of pounds from the Church of Scientology.

The City of London Chief Superintendent, Kevin Hurley, praised Scientology for “raising the spiritual wealth of society” during the opening
of its headquarters in 2006.

Last year a video praising Scientology emerged featuring Ken Stewart, another of the City of London’s chief superintendents, although he is not a member of the group.

The group was founded by the science-fiction writer L Ron Hubbard in 1952 and espouses the idea that humans are descended from an exiled race of aliens called Thetans.

The church continues to attract controversy over claims that it separates members from their families and indoctrinates followers.

A spokeswoman for the force said today: “City of London police had received complaints about demonstrators using the words ‘cult’ and ‘Scientology kills’ during protests against the Church of Scientology.

“Following advice from the Crown Prosecution Service some demonstrators were warned verbally and in writing that their signs breached section five of the Public Order Act.

“One demonstrator continued to display a placard despite police warnings and was reported for an offence under section five. A file on the case will go to the CPS.”

A CPS spokesman said no specific advice was given to police regarding the boy’s placard.

“In April, prior to this demonstration, as part of our normal working relationship we gave the City of London police general advice on the law around demonstrations and religiously aggravated crime in particular.

“We did not advise on this specific case prior to the summons being issued – which the police can do without reference to us – but if we receive a file we will review it in the normal way according to the code for crown prosecutors.”

Anil Dawar

http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2008/may/20/1

“It would not be a fair trial for obvious reasons,” he said. “There has been a build-up and an expectation.”

Mr Zentai is accused of participating in a gruesome five-hour beating of teenage Jew Peter Balazs in the Hungarian capital, Budapest, on November 8, 1944.

Not since accused Nazi collaborator Konrad Kalejs died in 2001 – days before losing his bid to avoid extradition to his native Latvia – has Australia been so close to extraditing its first alleged war criminal.

Australian Federal Police arrested Mr Zentai on July 8, 2005, after Jewish human rights group the Simon Wiesenthal Centre presented its case against him to Hungarian prosecutors.

Mr Zentai was due to face the Perth Magistrates Court on August 12 to set the date for his three-day extradition hearing. But it is likely his next court appearance will be brought forward. Mr Zentai unsuccessfully argued in the High Court that the Perth court did not have jurisdiction to hear his case.

The case has been a long-held passion of Efraim Zuroff, the Jerusalem-based director of the Simon Wiesenthal Centre who yesterday expressed relief that Mr Zentai would face an extradition hearing more than two years after lodging his first legal challenge.

“I don’t blame Dr Zuroff, I suppose that is his job,” Mr Zentai said.

“It helps to know I am innocent. My family knows I am innocent and people are very good to me. They believe me.”

The cost of Mr Zentai’s High Court challenge has already reduced his life savings to $20,000 and he says he will possibly have to sell his house to pay bills that are yet to roll in.

Mr Zentai’s four children say the widower – who has heart disease and peripheral neuropathy, an incurable and potentially paralysing condition – would not survive the trip to Hungary.

A warrant for Mr Zentai’s arrest was issued in Budapest in 1948 but he had already left Hungary for Germany, where he lived in the American, then French, occupied zones before coming to Australia in 1950 as a refugee.

Dr Zuroff said “thank God” when he heard that Mr Zentai’s extradition hearing would now proceed.

“I’m very pleased that this legal technical challenge, which has already prevented Mr Zentai’s extradition for more than two years and has absolutely nothing to do with the case, has finally been rejected and that the extradition process can finally proceed,” he said.

“I think it’s extremely important to remember that it was Mr Zentai himself who, when he was first exposed as the person suspected of murdering Peter Balazs during the war, expressed his willingness to go to Hungary to clear his name.

“But soon after Hungary sought his extradition, which would have given him his day in court, Mr Zentai did everything possible to prevent justice from being achieved. I’m only sorry that it took this long to put this case back on track and I hope that Mr Zentai’s efforts to block the extradition by stressing that he is ill and frail will not fool the judges.”

Dr Zuroff said there were other cases in which alleged Nazi-era criminals had been tried for crimes committed more than 60 years ago.

“A man named Michael Seifert was just extradited from Canada to serve a jail sentence in Italy for crimes committed at the Bolzano concentration camp in 1943, so it has been done and it can be done,” he said. “Last week Germany indicted an alleged Nazi collaborator, Heinrich Boere from Holland, aged 86, who was charged with committing several murders in Nazi-occupied Netherlands during World War II.”

Dr Zuroff said the factor that had the most influence on such cases was “the quality of evidence against the accused and not the amount of time that passed since the crime”.

“It’s very important to remember that the passage of time in no way diminishes the guilt of the perpetrator,” he added.

If Perth Magistrates Court decides to extradite Mr Zentai, he can appeal to the Rudd Government for its intervention. In that case, he will argue on the grounds of his poor health and the lack of parity between the Australian courts and the military court in Budapest.

The Belgrade Daily Press said on Thursday that a protected witness, known as K-144, had made the allegations to the former chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), Carla del Ponte.

According to the International Red Cross up to 3,000 Serbs have been reported missing or killed since 1999 and 200,000 fled the province.

The paper said the Serbs kidnapped by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), were transported to northern Albania where their internal organs were allegedly removed and then sold in Italy and western countries.

The KLA was a paramilitary guerrilla organisation that sought independence for Kosovo from the now defunct Yugoslavia and later Serbia in the late 1990s.

Serbian prosecutor for war crimes, Vladimir Vukcevic, confirmed that his office was investigating the reports.

“We are verifying the reports that in 1999 two trucks of kidnapped Serbs were transported to Albania,” Vukcevic said. “We received these reports from the ICTY.”

Del Ponte, who recently left the post of chief prosecutor, is to release a book entitled “The Hunt” in Italy in April 2008.

She reportedly admitted that ICTY investigators came across information that kidnapped Serbs had been transported to Albania and their organs were sold in the west.

Del Ponte is said to have frequently complained that UN officials in Kosovo were uncooperative in investigating crimes against Serbs.

The media quoted K-144 saying that at least 100 Serbs whose organs had been taken out for transplantation have been buried in the northern Albanian town of Burrel.

The papers said at least 400 kidneys and other organs were removed for sale in the west and the victims were left to die.

Semsi Sulja, a spokesman for the Kosovo Protection Corps, a civilian emergency service group composed mainly from former KLA fighters, said there was no truth to the claims.

“Anyone can write what they want, but there is no truth in it,” he said.

Ahmet Isufi, a spokesman for the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AFK), said Del Ponte’s claims were “absurd”.

“These are political accusations which could be seen by anyone, not just by politicians,” he said.

AFK leader Ramush Haradinaj is currently standing trial before the ICTY for crimes against Serb civilians.

Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in February with the support of western powers, but Belgrade is fighting a diplomatic battle to retain the province.

On the opening day of the largest NATO gathering in history a brutal mass arrest of activists took place in Bucharest, Romania.

This afternoon hundreds of police made a sudden attack on the legally rented convergence center that local activists had set up to house demonstrators from abroad, as well as serve as a space to organize actions. Wearing ski masks and carrying sub machine guns a team of 80 special forces moved into the space where people were in the process of cooking and talking. Albert, one of the 60 activists who were arrested spoke to me from the police station:

“Yeah the place, over the space was taken by the police. There is nobody inside. Everybody who was inside was taken by the police. They beat everybody inside, and everybody got arrested. ”

A police spokesperson stated that nothing illegal had been found within the center, but that the police intervention was provided for in the national constitution. One protester was rushed to the hospital due to the severity of the violence strikes by the police. The Romanian government has taken a zero tolerance towards any actions against NATO.

From Bucharest, Romania, for FSRN this is Amy Miller

Swedish soldiers saw French soldiers participating in hours of torture involving a Congolese man in civilian dress, allegedly choking and beating him.

This operation, sanctioned by the United Nation’s, is seen as the European Union’s first joint effort. The force contained approximately 1,500 soldiers, with orders to go to the DR Congo in an effort to provide safety to civilians in the region during 2003.

While the action was a joint effort by EU troops, reports clearly indicated the show was run by the French. It will be interesting to see whether we now have another instance similar to Abu Ghraib

We have requested a transcript from the producers of the documentary. We will post this soon.

http://svt.se/svt/jsp/Crosslink.jsp?d=2232

The following is the resolution that started it all

COUNCIL DECISION 2003/432/CFSP of 12 June 2003
on the launching of the European Union military operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo
THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION,
Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in particular
Article 17(2) and Article 25 thereof,
Having regard to the Council Joint Action of 2003/423/CFSP
of 5 June 2003 on the European Union Military Operation in
the Democratic Republic of Congo (1), and in particular Article 6 thereof,

Whereas:
(1) On 30 May 2003, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1484 (2003) authorising, under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the temporary deployment of an interim emergency multinational force in Bunia, in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
(2) Following the request by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the European Union has decided to provide a temporary stabilisation force in the Ituri Region in implementation of the mandate provided in the UNSC Resolution 1484 (2003) of 30 May 2003.
(3) The Council has authorised the Political and Security Committee to take relevant decisions concerning the political control and strategic direction of the operation.
(4) In conformity with Article 6 of the Protocol on the position of Denmark annexed to the Treaty on European Union and to the Treaty establishing the European
Community, Denmark does not participate in the elaboration and implementation of decisions and actions of the European Union which have defence implications.
Denmark does not participate in the financing of the operation,
HAS DECIDED AS FOLLOWS:
Article 1
The Operation Plan is approved.
Article 2
The Rules of Engagement Authorisation message is approved.
Article 3
The EU military operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo shall be launched on 12 June 2003.
Article 4
The Operation Commander is hereby authorised with immediate effect to release the activation order (Actord) in order to execute the deployment of the forces, prior to transfer of authority following their arrival in theatre, and start execution
of the mission.
Article 5
Without prejudice to Article 15 of the Joint Action 2003/423/ CFSP, this Decision will remain in effect until such time as the forces committed to the operation in Bunia have been redeployed.
Article 6
This Decision shall be published in the Official Journal of the European Union.
Done at Luxembourg, 12 June 2003.
For the Council
The President
G. DRYS